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    Black Migration

    Black immigrants make up approximately 12 percent of the total immigrant-origin population; further, an additional 9 percent have at least one immigrant parent. Thus, an under-realized reality is that 21 percent of the U.S. Black population has recent immigration origins.

    black population by generation
    Source: Pew Research Center — Black Population Report

    Black immigrants arrive from the Caribbean (primarily Jamaica and Haiti), the African continent, as well as Latin America. They are amongst the most educated of immigrants entering the country and many arrive speaking English. Upon arriving they encounter the historical legacy of slavery and its unresloved undertow of structural racisim, social discrimination, and implicit bias.

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      Asian Migration

      Asia is the second-largest region of birth for U.S. immigrants, after the Americas and has emerged as the fastest growing source of migration. While Asian immigrants come from dozens of countries, six account for the vast majority — China, India, the Philippines, Vietnam, Korea, and Japan. Though Asian immigration has been going on since the mid-19th century, the majority of Asians in the United States have very recent immigration origins. More than half are foreign-born (57%) and another roughly 10 % are second-generation.

      Asian-Americans are highly diverse spanning refugee-origin Hmong and Vietnamese to highly educated Chinese and Indians. As a group, Asians have the highest-income and are the best-educated racial group in the United States. They are more likely than any other group to receive their green cards through an employer rather than through family reunification. They are also more likely to live in mixed-neighborhoods and inter-marry than any other racial group.

      While they have been advantaged by these factors, as a group they also battle the challenges of invisibility, perpetual strangerhood, and the model minority myth and have become the target of violence as the blame of the Covid-19 pandemic was thrust upon them.

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        Latine/Hispanic Immigrants

        Given the shared and expansive southern border, there has been a long history of migration from Mexico, Central and Latin America to the U.S. and preceding the current configuration of our borders. As such, it should come as no surprise that individuals of Latine and Hispanic origins make up the largest group of foreign-born individuals in the United States.

        Currently, of the 60 million Latine/Hispanic in the U.S., roughly one-third are foreign-born. Mexicans are robustly the largest group (though their proportions are waning), followed by Puerto Ricans, Salvadorans, Cubans, Dominicans, Guatemalans, and Colombians. The share of Latinos in the U.S. who are immigrants declined to 33% in 2017, down from 37% in 2010.

        An estimated 79% of Latine/Hispanic individuals are citizens (including Puerto Ricans) and those second-generation and beyond. Further, 80% of Latine/Hispanic immigrants are not newcomers, having lived in the U.S for over 10 years. As such, many have long-established roots and family ties.

        Latine/Hispanic individuals are highly diverse in terms of educational attainment and socio-economic backgrounds. Some are highly educated while others report lower levels of education than U.S.-born mainstream peers.

        Latine/Hispanic immigrants are racially and ethnically diverse. Some have Indigenous origins, others can trace partial roots to the trans-Atlantic slave trade, and others identify as white. Many have mixed-origins. The Census separates out race from ethnicity. More than half of Latine/Hispanics who took the Census identified their race as White (58%). The next largest share selected the “some other race” category (27%), followed by 8% selecting two or more races, and only 2% selecting Black or African American. Notably, foreign-born Latine/Hispanics were more likely than their U.S.-born counterparts to select the “some other race” category, while U.S.-born Hispanics were more likely than the foreign-born to select multiple races. These selections point to how immigrant parents may either not be fully aware of or are resisting U.S. racial categorization. While they report being aware of xenophobia they do not necessarily attribute experiences of social exclusion to the racial dynamics of their new land.